Pertempuran Yarmuk
Dari Wikipedia bahasa Indonesia, ensiklopedia bebas
Pertempuran Yarmuk | |||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Bagian dari Perang Arab-Bizantium, Penaklukan Islam di Suriah | |||||||||
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Pihak yang terlibat | |||||||||
Kekaisaran Romawi Timur (Bizantium), Kelompok Ghassanid, Kerajaan Armenia, Georgia Sekutu Eropa |
Arab Muslim (Khulafaur Rasyidin) | ||||||||
Komandan | |||||||||
Heraclius Kaisar Konstantin III[1] Theodorus Trithurius Jabalah VI bin Aiham Dairjan[2] Vahan(Mahan[2]) Qanatir (Buccinator)[2] Gregory[2] |
Khalid bin Walid Abu Ubaidah bin Jarrah Amru bin Ash Syurahbil bin Hasanah Yazid bin Abu Sofyan |
||||||||
Kekuatan | |||||||||
20,000 - 150,000
(perkiraan modern)[3] |
7,500 - 40,000
(perkiraan modern)[6]
24,000 - 40,000
(sumber asli)[7] |
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Korban | |||||||||
45% terbunuh
(perkiraan modern)[2] |
4,000 terbunuh[2] |
|
Pertempuran Yarmuk (Arab: معركة اليرموك) adalah perang antara Muslim Arab dan Kekaisaran Romawi Timur pada tahun 636.
Pertempuran ini, oleh beberapa sejarawan, dipertimbangkan sebagai salah
satu pertempuran penting dalam sejarah dunia, karena dia menandakan
gelombang besar pertama penaklukan Muslim di luar Arab, dan cepat masuknya Islam ke Palestina, Suriah, dan Mesopotamia yang rakyatnya menganut agama Kristen. Pertempuran ini merupakan salah satu kemenangan Khalid bin Walid yang paling gemilang, dan memperkuat reputasinya sebagai salah satu komandan militer dan kavaleri paling brilian di zaman Pertengahan. Pertempuran ini terjadi pada masa pemerintahan Umar bin Khattab, khalifah Rasyidin kedua.
Pertempuran ini terjadi empat tahun setelah Nabi Muhammad meninggal pada 632. Dia dilanjutkan oleh khalifah pertama, Abu Bakar, yang mencoba membawa seluruh bangsa yang bertutur bahasa Arab di bawah kendali Muslim. Pada 633 pasukan Muslim menyerang Suriah, dan setelah berbagai penghadangan dan pertempuran kecil berhasil merebut Damaskus pada 635. Kaisar Romawi Timur Heraclius mengatur sebuah pasukan sekitar 40.000 orang setelah mengetahui lepasnya Damaskus dan Emesa. Pergerakan pasukan Romawi Timur yang besar ini, menyebabkan Muslim di bawah Khalid ibn Walid meninggalkan kota-kota, dan mundur ke selatan menuju Sungai Yarmuk, sebuah penyumbang Sungai Yordan.
Sebagian pasukan Romawi Timur di bawah Theodore Sacellarius
dikalahkan di luar Emesa. Muslim di bawah Khalid ibn Walid bertemu
komandan Romawi Timur lainnya, Baänes di lembah Sungai Yarmuk pada akhir Juli. Baänes hanya memiliki infantri untuk melawan kavaleri
ringan Arab, karena Theodor telah mengambil kebanyakan kavaleri
bersamanya. Setelah sebulan pertempuran kecil-kecilan, tanpa aksi yang
menentukan, kedua pasukan akhirnya berkonfrontasi pada 20 Agustus.
Menurut sumber Muslim, datanglah pertolongan Allah SWT. kepada
tentara Islam dengan berhembusnya angin selatan yang kuat meniup awan
debu ke muka orang Kristen, kejadian ini sama persis seperti yang
terjadi pada pasukan persia dalam pertempuran Qadisiyyah.
Prajurit menjadi lesu di bawah panas matahari Agustus. Meskipun begitu
Khalid terdorong mundur, namun meskipun jumlah pasukannya hanya setengah
prajurit Romawi Timur, mereka lebih bersatu dari pada pasukan
multinasional Tentara Kekaisaran yang terdiri dari orang Armenia, Slavia, Ghassanid dan juga pasukan Romawi Timur biasa.
Menurut beberapa sumber, Muslim berhasil memengaruhi unsur-unsur di
pasukan Romawi Timur untuk beralih sisi, tugas ini dipermudah oleh
kenyataan bahwa Kristen Arab, Ghassanid, belum dibayar selama beberap bulan dan yang Kristen Monofisitnya ditekan oleh Ortodoks
Romawi Timur. Sekitar 12.000 Arab Ghassanid membelot. Kemajuan pasukan
Kristen di sisi kanan, menuju kamp berisi wanita Arab dan keluarganya,
akhirnya diusir dengan bantuan dari beberapa wanita Arab. Dan
memperbaharui serangan-balik. Kebanyakan prajurit Baänes dikepung dan
dibantai, atau digiring menuju kematiannya di sebuah jurang terjal.
Sebagai hasilnya, seluruh Suriah terbuka bagi Muslim Arab. Damaskus direbut kembali oleh Muslim dalam waktu sebulan, dan Yerusalem jatuh tidak lama kemudian.
Ketika bencana ini terdengar Heraclius di Antioch, dinyatakan dia
mengucapkan selamat tinggal kepada Suriah, berkata, "Selamat tinggal
Suriah, provinsiku yang indah. Kau adalah seorang musuh sekarang"; dan
meninggalkan Antiokia ke Konstantinopel. Heraclius mulai memusatkan pasukannya untuk mempertahankan Mesir.
Pranala luar
- (Inggris) Sword of Allah - Battle of Yarmuk.
Catatan kaki
- ^ Gibbon (Vol. 5, p. 333)
- ^ a b c d e f Akram, A. I. (1970). The Sword of Allah: Khalid bin al-Waleed, His Life and Campaigns, Nat. Publishing House. Rawalpindi. ISBN 0-7101-0104-X. (See Eve of Yarmuk and Battle of Yarmuk.)
- ^ Modern estimates for Roman army:
Gil and Broido (1997): 100,000.
Donner (1981): 100,000.
Kennedy (2006, p. 145): 80,000.
Britannica (2007): "More than 50,000 byzantine soldiers died".
Nicolle (1994): 40,000 maximum.
Haldon (2001): 20,000.
Kaegi (2003): 15,000 - 20,000.
Akram (1970): 150,000.
Gibbon (Volume 5, p. 325): 140,000. - ^ Roman source for Roman army:
Theophanes (p. 337-338): 80,000 Roman troops (Kennedy, 2006, p. 145) and 60,000 allied Ghassanid troops (Gibbon, Vol. 5, p. 325). - ^ Muslim sources for Roman army:
Baladhuri (p. 140): 200,000.
Tabari (Vol. 2, p. 598): 200,000.
Ibn Ishaq (Tabari, Vol. 3, p. 75): 100,000 against 24,000 Muslims.
Al-Waqidi (p. 107) (Ibn Khaldun, p. 126): 400,000. - ^ Modern estimates for Muslim army:
Haldon (2001): 7,500 - 20,000.
Kaegi (2003): 15,000 maximum.
Nicolle (1994): 25,000 maximum.
Akram: 40,000 maximum. - ^ Primary sources for Muslim army:
Ibn Ishaq (Tabari, Vol. 3, p. 74): 24,000.
Baladhuri: 24,000.
Ibn Khaldun (p. 126): 30,000.
Al-Waqidi (p. 144): 40,000.
Tabari (Vol. 2, p. 592): 40,000. - ^ Khalid ibn al-Walid, Encyclopædia Britannica (2007).
- ^ Primary sources for Roman casualties:
Tabari (Vol. 2, p. 596): 120,000 killed.
Ibn Ishaq (Tabari, Vol. 3, p. 75): 70,000 killed.
Baladhuri (p. 141): 70,000 killed.
Al-Waqidi: more than 120,000 killed.
Kategori:
- Pertempuran melibatkan Kekaisaran Romawi Timur
- Sejarah Suriah
- Sejarah Islam
- Pertempuran
- Pertempuran Khalid bin Walid
Battle of Yarmouk
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_Of_Yarmuk
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia(Redirected from Battle Of Yarmuk)Battle of Yarmouk Part of the Muslim conquest of Syria
(Arab–Byzantine Wars)
Across the ravines lies the battlefield of Yarmouk, this picture taken about 8 miles away, from Jordan.Date 15–20 August 636 Location Near the Yarmouk River
32.81411°N 35.95482°ECoordinates: 32.81411°N 35.95482°EResult Decisive Rashidun victory Territorial
changesLevant annexed by Rashidun Caliphate Belligerents Byzantine Empire,
Ghassanid KingdomRashidun Caliphate Commanders and leaders Heraclius
† Theodore Trithyrius[1]
† Vahang[›]
Jabalah ibn al-Aiham
† Dairjan
Buccinator (Qanateer)
Gregory[2]ʿUmar ibn al-Khattāb
Khalid ibn al-Walid
Abu Ubaidah ibn al-Jarrah
Amr ibn al-A'as
Kahula bint Azwar
Shurahbil ibn Hassana
Yazid ibn Abu SufyanStrength 15,000-150,000
(modern estimates)a[›] 100,000–400,000
(primary sources)b[›]c[›]
15,000–40,000
(modern estimates)d[›] 24,000–40,000
(primary sources)e[›]
Casualties and losses 45% or 50,000+ killed
(modern estimates)[3][4]
70,000–120,000 killed
(primary sources)f[›]4,000 killed Few left uninjured [3]
The Battle of Yarmouk (Arabic: معركة اليرموك, also spelled Yarmuk, Yarmuq or, in Greek, Hieromyax, Ἱερομύαξ, or Iermouchas, Ιερμουχάς) was a major battle between the Muslim Arab forces of the Rashidun Caliphate and the armies of the Eastern Roman Empire. The battle consisted of a series of engagements that lasted for six days in August 636, near the Yarmouk River, along what is today the border between Syria and Jordan, south-east of the Sea of Galilee. The result of the battle was a complete Muslim victory which ended Byzantine rule in Syria. The Battle of Yarmouk is regarded as one of the most decisive battles in military history,[5][6] and it marked the first great wave of Islamic conquests after the death of prophet Muhammad, heralding the rapid advance of Islam into the then Christian Levant.In order to check the Arab advance and to recover lost territory, Emperor Heraclius had sent a massive expedition to the Levant in May 636. As the Roman army approached, the Arabs retreated from Syria and regrouped all their forces at the Yarmouk plains close to Arabia where, after being reinforced, they defeated the numerically superior Byzantine army. The battle is also considered to be one of Khalid ibn al-Walid's greatest military victories. It cemented his reputation as one of the greatest tacticians and cavalry commanders in history.[7]Contents
Sources
Donner 1981:91-155 gives the complex and contradictory evidence from the earliest Muslim sources. Ibn Ishaq,died 767 and al-Waqidi, died 823, gave the battle of Ajnadayn July 634, Yarmuk August 636 and the capture of Jerusalem 638. While Sayf b. Asid al-Ghassani transmitted a tradition which reversed the order of battles. Much of this history appears to have been reconstructed from different oral traditions. Wood 2007 attributes a miss location of the battle to a confusion between Gabatha and Gabitha.Prelude
Further information: Rashidun Invasion of Levant (634) and Byzantine–Sassanid War of 602–628During the last Byzantine–Sassanid Wars in 610, Heraclius became the emperor of the Byzantine Empire,[8] after overthrowing Phocas. Meanwhile the Sassanid Persians conquered Mesopotamia and in 611 they overran Syria and entered Anatolia, occupying Caesarea Mazaca. Heraclius, in 612, managed to expel the Persians from Anatolia, but was decisively defeated in 613 when he launched a major offensive in Syria against the Persians.[9] Over the following decade the Persians were able to conquer Palestine and Egypt. Meanwhile Heraclius prepared for a counterattack and rebuilt his army. Nine years later in 622, Heraclius finally launched his offensive.[10] After his overwhelming victories over the Persians and their allies in the Caucasus and Armenia, Heraclius, in 627, launched a winter offensive against the Persians in Mesopotamia winning a decisive victory at the Battle of Nineveh thus threatening the Persian capital city of Ctesiphon. Discredited by these series of disasters, Khosrau II was overthrown and killed in a coup led by his son Kavadh II,[11] who at once sued for peace, agreeing to withdraw from all occupied territories of the Byzantine Empire. Heraclius restored the True Cross to Jerusalem with a majestic ceremony in 629.[12]Meanwhile there had been rapid political development in Arabia, where Prophet Mohammad had been preaching Islam and by 630, he had successfully united most of the Arabia under a single political authority. When the Prophet died in June 632, Abu Bakr was elected Caliph and his political successor. Troubles emerged soon after Abu Bakr's succession, when several Arab tribes openly revolted against Abu Bakr, who declared war against the rebels. In what became known as the Ridda wars (Arabic for the Wars of Apostasy, 632–33), Abu Bakr managed to unite Arabia under the central authority of the Caliph at Medina.[13]
Once the rebels had been subdued, Abu Bakr began a war of conquest, beginning with Iraq. Sending his most brilliant general, Khalid ibn al-Walid, Iraq was conquered in a series of successful campaigns against the Sassanid Persians. Abu Bakr's confidence grew, and once Khalid established his stronghold in Iraq, Abu Bakr issued a call to arms for the invasion of Syria in February 634.[14] The Muslim invasion of Syria was a series of carefully planned and well coordinated military operations that employed strategy instead of pure strength to deal with Byzantine defensive measures.[15] The Muslim armies, however soon proved to be too small to handle the Byzantine response, and their commanders called for reinforcements. Khalid was sent by Abu Bakr from Iraq to Syria with reinforcements and to lead the invasion. In July 634, the Byzantines were decisively defeated at Ajnadayn. Damascus fell in September 634, followed by the Battle of Fahl where the last significant garrison of Palestine was defeated and routed.[16]Caliph Abu Bakr died in 634. His successor, Umar, was determined to continue the Caliphate Empire's expansion deeper into Syria.[17] Though previous campaigns led by Khalid were successful, he was replaced by Abu Ubaidah. Having secured southern Palestine, Muslim forces now advanced up the trade route where Tiberias and Baalbek fell without much struggle and the Muslims conquered Emesa early in 636. From thereon, the Muslims continued their conquest across the Levant.[18]Byzantine counterattack
Having seized Emesa, the Muslims were just a march away from Aleppo, a Byzantine stronghold, and Antioch, where Heraclius resided. Seriously alarmed by the series of setbacks, Heraclius prepared for a counterattack to reacquire the lost regions.[19][20] In 635 Yazdegerd III, the Emperor of Persia, sought an alliance with the Byzantine Emperor. Heraclius married off his daughter (according to traditions, his grand daughter) Manyanh to Yazdegerd III, an old Roman tradition to cement the alliance. While Heraclius prepared for a major offensive in the Levant, Yazdegerd was to mount a simultaneous counterattack in Iraq, in what was meant to be a well-coordinated effort. When Heraclius launched his offensive in May 636, Yazdegerd could not coordinate with the maneuver—probably owing to the exhausted condition of his government—and what would have been a decisive plan missed the mark.[21] Umar Ibn Al Khattab(Caliphate Rashiduun) won a decisive victory against Heraclius at Yarmouk, and used great strategy[citation needed] to engage and entrap Yazdegerd[citation needed]. Three months later Yazdegerd lost his imperial army at the Battle of Qadisiyah in November 636, ending Sassanid control west of Persia.
Byzantine preparations began in late 635 and by May 636 Heraclius had a large force concentrated at Antioch in Northern Syria.[22] The assembled army consisted of contingents of Byzantines, Slavs, Franks, Georgians, Armenians and Christian Arabs.[23] This force was organized into five armies, the joint leader of which was Theodore Trithourios the Sakellarios. Vahan, an Armenian and the former garrison commander of Emesa,[24] was made the overall field commander,[25] and had under his command a purely Armenian army. Buccinator (Qanateer), a Slavic prince, commanded the Slavs and Jabalah ibn al-Aiham, king of the Ghassanid Arabs, commanded an exclusively Christian Arab force. The remaining contingents, all European, were placed under Gregory and Dairjan.[26][27] Heraclius himself supervised the operation from Antioch. Byzantine sources mention Niketas, son of the Persian general Shahrbaraz, among the commanders, but it is not certain which army he commanded.[28]At that time, the Rashidun army was split into four groups: one under Amr in Palestine, one under Shurahbil in Jordan, one under Yazid in the Damascus-Caesarea region and the last one under Abu Ubaidah along with Khalid at Emesa. As the Muslim forces were geographically divided, Heraclius sought to exploit this situation and planned to attack. He did not wish to engage in a single pitched battle but rather to employ central position and fight the enemy in detail by concentrating large forces against each of the Muslim corps before they could consolidate their troops. By forcing the Muslims to retreat, or by destroying Muslim forces separately, he would fulfill his strategy of recapturing lost territory. Reinforcements were sent to Caesarea under Heraclius' son Constantine III probably to tie down Yazid's forces which were besieging the town.[26] The Byzantine imperial army moved out from Antioch and Northern Syria sometime in the middle of June 636.The Byzantine imperial army was to operate under the following plan:- Jabalah's lightly armed Christian Arabs would march to Emesa from Aleppo via Hama and hold the main Muslim army at Emesa.
- Dairjan would make a flanking movement – moving between the coast and Aleppo's road – and approach Emesa from the west, striking at the Muslims' left flank while they were being held frontally by Jabalah.
- Gregory would strike the Muslims' right flank, approaching Emesa from the northeast via Mesopotamia.
- Qanateer would march along the coastal route and occupy Beirut, from where he was to attack weakly defended Damascus from the west to cut off the main Muslim army at Emesa.
- Vahan's corps would act as a reserve and would approach Emesa via Hama.[29]
Muslim strategy
The Muslims discovered Heraclius' preparations at Shaizar through
Roman prisoners. Alert to the possibility of being caught with separated
forces that could be destroyed, Khalid called for a council of war.
There he advised Abu Ubaidah to pull the troops back from Palestine and
from Northern and Central Syria, and then to concentrate the entire
Rashidun army in one place.[30][31]
Abu Ubaidah ordered the concentration of troops in the vast plain near
Jabiya, as control of the area made cavalry charges possible and
facilitated the arrival of reinforcements from Umar so that a strong,
united force could be fielded against the Byzantine armies.[32]
The position also benefited from close proximity to the Rashidun
stronghold of Najd, in case of retreat. Instructions were also issued to
return the jizya (tribute) to the people who had paid it.[33]
However, once concentrated at Jabiya, the Muslims were subject to raids
from pro-Byzantine Ghassanid forces. Encamping in the region was also
precarious as a strong Byzantine force was garrisoned in Caeseara and
could attack the Muslim rear while they were held in front by the
Byzantine army. On Khalid's advice the Muslim forces retreated to
Dara’ah (or Dara) and Dayr Ayyub, covering the gap between the Yarmouk
Gorges and the Harra lava plains,[30]
and established a line of camps in the eastern part of the plain of
Yarmouk. This was a strong defensive position and these maneuvers pitted
the Muslims and Byzantines into a decisive battle, one which the latter
had tried to avoid.[34] During these maneuvers, there were no engagements save for a minor skirmish between Khalid's elite light cavalry and the Byzantine advance guard.[35]
Battlefield
The battlefield lies about 65 kilometres (40 mi) south-east of the Golan Heights, an upland region currently on the frontier between Israel, Jordan and Syria, east of the Sea of Galilee. The battle was fought on the plain of Yarmouk, which was enclosed on its western edges by a deep ravine known as Wadi-ur-Raqad, around 200 m (660 ft) deep. This ravine joins the Yarmouk River, a tributary of the Jordan River,
on its south. The stream had very steep banks, ranging from 30 m
(98 ft)–200 m (660 ft) in height. On the north is the Jabiya road and to
the east are the Azra hills, although these hills were outside the
actual field of battle. Strategically there was only one prominence in
the battlefield: a 100 m (330 ft) elevation known as Tel al Jumm'a
(Arabic for hill of gathering), and for the Muslim troops concentrated
there, the hill gave a good view of the plain of Yarmouk. The ravine on
the west of the battlefield was accessible at a few places in 636 AD,
and had one main crossing: a bridge near the present-day village of
Kafir-ul-Ma.[36]
Logistically, the Yarmouk plain had enough water supplies and pastures
to sustain both armies. The plain was excellent for cavalry maneuvers.[37][38]
Troop deployment
Most early Muslim accounts place the size of the Muslim forces
between 24,000 and 40,000 and the number of Byzantine forces between
100,000 and 400,000. Modern estimates of the sizes of the respective
armies vary: estimates for the Byzantine army are mostly between 80,000 and 150,000, with some estimates as low as 50,000 and 15,000–20,000.[39] Estimates for the Rashidun army
are between 25,000 and 40,000. These figures come from studying the
logistical capabilities of the combatants, the sustainability of their
respective bases of operations, and the overall manpower constraints
affecting the Romans and Arabs. Most scholars, however, agree that the
Byzantine army and their allies outnumbered the Muslim Arabs by a
sizeable margin.m[›]
The Rashidun army
During a council of war, the command of the Muslim army was transferred to Khalidi[›] by Abu Ubaidah, Commander in Chief of the Muslim army.[40]
After taking command, Khalid reorganized the army into 36 infantry
regiments and four cavalry regiments, with his cavalry elite, the mobile
guard, held in reserve. The army was organized in the Tabi'a formation; a tight, defensive infantry formation.[41] The army was lined up on a front of 12 kilometres (7.5 mi), facing west, with its left flank lying south on the Yarmouk River a mile before the ravines of Wadi al Allan began. The army's right flank was on the Jabiya road in the north across the heights of Tel al Jumm'a,[42]
with substantial gaps between the divisions so that their frontage
would match that of the Byzantine battle line at 13 kilometres (8.1 mi).
The center of the army was under the command of Abu Ubaidah ibn
al-Jarrah (left center) and Shurahbil bin Hasana (right center). The
left wing was under the command of Yazid and the right wing was under
Amr ibn al-A'as.[40]
Center, left and right wings were given cavalry regiments, to be used
as a reserve for counter-attack in case they were pushed back by the
Byzantines. Behind the center stood the mobile guard
under the personal command of Khalid. If and when Khalid was too
occupied in leading the general army, Dharar ibn al-Azwar would command
the mobile guard. Over the course of the battle, Khalid would repeatedly
make critical and decisive use of this mounted reserve.[40] Khalid sent out several scouts to keep the Byzantines under observation.[43]
In late July 636, Vahan sent Jabalah with his lightly armored Christian
Arab forces to reconnoiter-in-force, but they were repulsed by the
mobile guard. After this skirmish, no engagement occurred for a month.[44]
Weaponry
Helmets used included gilded helmets similar to the silver helmets of the Sassanid empire. Mail
was commonly used to protect the face, neck and cheeks either as an
aventail from the helmet or as a mail coif. Heavy leather sandals as
well as Roman-type sandal boots were also typical of the early Muslim
soldiers.[45] Armor included hardened leather scale or lamellar armor and mail armor.
Infantry soldiers were more heavily armored than horsemen. Large wooden
or wickerwork shields were used. Long-shafted spears were used, with
infantry spears being 2.5 m (8.2 ft) long and cavalry spears being up to
5.5 m (18 ft) long. Short infantry swords like the Roman gladius and Sassanid long swords were used; long swords were usually carried by horsemen. Swords were hung in baldrics.
Bows were about 2 metres (6.6 ft) long when unbraced, similar in size
to the famous English longbow. The maximum useful range of the
traditional Arabian bow was about 150 m (490 ft). Early Muslim archers,
while being infantry archers without the mobility of horseback archer
regiments, proved to be very effective in defending against light and
unarmored cavalry attacks.[46]
The Byzantine army
A few days after the Muslims encamped at the Yarmouk plain, the
Byzantine army, preceded by the lightly armed Ghassanids of Jabalah,
moved forward and established strongly fortified camps just north of the
Wadi-ar-Raqqad.[47]j[›]
The right flank of the Byzantine army was at the south end of the
plains, near the Yarmouk River and about a mile before the ravines of Wadi al Allan
began. The left flank of the Byzantines was at the north, a short
distance before the Hills of Jabiya began, and was relatively exposed.
Vahan deployed the Imperial Army facing east, with a front about 13
kilometres (8.1 mi) long,[48] as he was trying to cover the whole area between the Yarmouk gorge in the south and the Roman road to Egypt
in the north, and substantial gaps had been left between the Byzantine
divisions. The right wing was commanded by Gregory and the left by
Qanateer. The center was formed by the army of Dairjan and the Armenian
army of Vahan, both under the overall command of Dairjan. The Roman
regular heavy cavalry, the cataphract,
was distributed equally among the four armies, each army deploying its
infantry at the forefront and its cavalry as a reserve in the rear.
Vahan deployed Jabalah's Christian Arabs, mounted on horses and camels, as a skirmishing force, screening the main army until its arrival.[49]
Early Muslim sources mention that the army of Gregory had used chains
to link together its foot-soldiers, who had all taken an oath of death.
The chains were in 10-man lengths and were used as a proof of
unshakeable courage on the part of the men, who thus displayed their
willingness to die where they stood and never retreat. The chains also
acted as an insurance against a breakthrough by enemy cavalry. However,
modern historians suggest that the Byzantines adopted the Graeco-Roman testudo
military formation, in which soldiers would stand shoulder-to-shoulder
with shields held high and an arrangement of 10 to 20 men would be
completely shielded on all sides from missile fire, each soldier
providing cover for an adjoining companion.[48]
Weaponry
The Byzantine cavalry was armed with a long sword, known as the spathion. They would also have had a light wooden lance, known as a kontarion and a bow (toxarion) with forty arrows in a quiver, hung from a saddle or from the belt.[50] Heavy infantry, known as skoutatoi,
had a short sword and a short spear. The lightly armed Byzantine troops
and the archers carried a small shield, a bow hung from the shoulder
across the back and a quiver of arrows. Cavalry armor consisted of a
hauberk with a mail coif
and a helmet with a pendant, i.e. a throat-guard lined with fabric and
having a fringe and cheek piece. Infantry was similarly equipped with a
hauberk, a helmet and leg armor. Light lamellar and scale armor was also used.[51]
Tensions in the Byzantine army
Khalid's strategy of withdrawing from the occupied areas and
concentrating all of his troops for a decisive battle forced the
Byzantines to concentrate their five armies in response. The Byzantines
had for centuries avoided engaging in large-scale decisive battles, and
the concentration of their forces created logistical strains for which
the empire was ill-prepared.[34][52]
Damascus was the closest logistical base, but Mansur, leader of
Damascus, could not fully supply the massive Byzantine army that was
gathered at the Yarmouk plain. Several clashes were reported with local
citizens over supply requisition, as summer was at an end and there was a
decline of pasturage. Greek court sources accused Vahan of treason for
his disobedience to Heraclius' command not to engage in large-scale
battle with Arabs. Given the massing of the Muslim armies at Yarmouk,
however, Vahan had little choice but to respond in kind. Relations
between the various Byzantine commanders were also fraught with tension.
There was a struggle for power between Trithurios and Vahan, Jarajis,
and Qanateer (Buccinator).[53]
Jabalah, the Christian Arab leader, was largely ignored, to the
detriment of the Byzantines given his knowledge of the local terrain. An
atmosphere of mistrust thus existed between the Greeks, Armenians, and
Arabs. Longstanding ecclesiastical feuds between the Monophysite and
Chalcedonian factions, while of negligible direct impact, certainly
inflamed underlying tensions. The effect of these feuds was decreased
coordination and planning, one of the reasons for the catastrophic
Byzantine defeat.[54]
Battle
For a good understanding of the description of the battle, it is
useful to be acquainted with the divisions of opposing forces. The
battle lines of the Muslims and the Byzantines were divided into four
sections: the left wing, the left center, the right center and the right
wing. Note that the descriptions of the Muslim and the Byzantine battle
lines are exactly each other's opposite, i.e.: so the Muslim right wing
faced the Byzantine left wing (see imagen[›]).
Vahan was instructed by Heraclius not to engage in battle until all avenues of diplomacy had been explored.[55] This was probably because Yazdegerd III's forces were not yet ready for the offensive in Iraq.
Accordingly, Vahan sent Gregory and then Jabalah to negotiate, though
their efforts proved futile. Before the battle, on Vahan's invitation,
Khalid came to negotiate peace, to a similar end. These negotiations
delayed the battles for a month.[48] On the other hand, Caliph Umar, whose forces at Qadisiyah were threatened with confronting the Sassanid armies, ordered Sa`d ibn Abi Waqqas to enter into negotiations with the Persians and send emissaries to Yazdegerd III and his commander Rostam Farrokhzād, apparently inviting them to Islam. This was most probably the delaying tactic employed by Umar on the Persian front.[56] Meanwhile he sent reinforcements[48] of 6,000 troops, mostly from Yemen, to Khalid. This force included 1,000 Sahaba (companions of Muhammad), among whom were 100 veterans of the Battle of Badr, the first battle in Islamic history, and included citizens of the highest rank, such as Zubayr ibn al-Awwam, Abu Sufyan, and his wife Hind bint Utbah.[57]
Umar, apparently wanting to defeat the Byzantines first, employed the
best Muslim troops against them. The continuing stream of Muslim
reinforcements worried the Byzantines, who fearing that the Muslims with
such reinforcements would grow powerful, decided that they had no
choice but to attack. The reinforcements that were sent to the Muslims
at Yarmouk arrived in small bands, giving the impression of a continuous
stream of reinforcements, in order to demoralize the Byzantines and
compel them to attack.[58] The same tactic would be repeated again during the Battle of Qadisiyah.[43]
Day 1
The battle began on 15 August 636.[59]
At dawn both armies lined up for battle less than a mile apart. It is
recorded in Muslim chronicles that before the battle started, George, a
unit commander in the Byzantine right center, rode up to the Muslim line
and converted to Islam; he would die the same day fighting on the
Muslim side.[60] The battle began as the Byzantine army sent its champions to duel with the Muslim mubarizun.
The mubarizun were specially trained swordsmen and lancers, with the
objective to slay as many enemy commanders as possible to damage their
morale. At midday, after losing a number of commanders in the duels,
Vahan ordered a limited attack with a third of his infantry forces to
test the strength and strategy of the Muslim army and, using their
overwhelming numerical and weaponry superiority, achieve a breakthrough
wherever the Muslim battle line was weak. However the Byzantine assault
lacked determination; many soldiers of the Imperial Army were unable to
press the attack against the Muslim veterans.[61] The fighting was generally moderate, although in some places it was especially intense. Vahan did not reinforce his forward infantry
two-thirds of which was kept in reserve with one-third deployed to
engage the Muslims, and at sunset both armies broke contact and returned
to their respective camps.[60]
Day 2
Phase 1: On 16 August 636, Vahan decided in a council
of war to launch his attack just before dawn, to catch the Muslim force
unprepared as they conducted their morning prayers. He planned to engage
his two central armies with the Muslim centre in an effort to stall
them while the main thrusts would be against the wings of the Muslim
army, which would then either be driven away from the battlefield or
pushed towards the centre.[60][62]
To observe the battlefield, Vahan had a large pavilion built behind his
right wing with an Armenian bodyguard force. He ordered the army to
prepare for the surprise attack. Unbeknownst to the Byzantines, Khalid
had prepared for such a contingency by placed a strong outpost line in
front during the night to counter surprises, which gave the Muslims time
to prepare for battle. At the center, the Byzantines did not press
hard, intending to pin down the Muslim centre corps in their position
and preventing them from aiding the Muslim army in other areas. Thus the
center remained stable. But on the wings the situation was different.
Qanateer, commanding the Byzantine left flank which consisted of mainly Slavs,
attacked in force, and the Muslim infantry on the right flank had to
retreat. Amr, the Muslim right wing commander ordered his cavalry
regiment to counterattack, which neutralized the Byzantine advance and
stabilized the battle line on the right for some time, but the Byzantine
numerical superiority caused them to retreat towards the Muslim base
camp.[63]
Phase 2: Khalid, aware of the situation at the wings,
ordered the cavalry of the right wing to attack the northern flank of
the Byzantine left wing while he with his mobile guard attacked the
southern flank of the Byzantine left wing, while the Muslim right wing
infantry attacked from the front. The three-pronged attack forced the
Byzantine left wing to abandon the Muslim positions they had gained on,
and Amr regained his lost ground and started reorganizing his corps for
another round.[63]
The situation on the Muslim left wing which Yazid commanded was
considerably more serious. Whilst the Muslim right wing enjoyed
assistance from the mobile guard, the left wing did not and the
numerical advantage the Byzantines enjoyed caused the Muslim positions
to be overrun, with soldiers retreating towards base camps.[57] Here the Byzantines had broken through the corps. The testudo formation
that Gregory's army had adopted moved slowly but also had a good
defense. Yazid used his cavalry regiment to counterattack but was
repulsed. Despite stiff resistance, the warriors of Yazid on the left
flank finally fell back to their camps and for a moment Vahan's plan
appeared to be succeeding. The centre of the Muslim army was pinned down
and its flanks had been pushed back. However, neither flank had broken,
though their morale was severely damaged.[64] The retreating Muslim army was met by the ferocious Arab women in the camps.[57]
Led by Hind, the Muslim women dismantled their tents and armed with
tent poles charged at their husbands and fellow men singing an
improvised song from the Battle of Uhud that then had been directed against the Muslims.
O you who run from a constant woman Who has both beauty and virtue;
And leave her to the infidel,
The hated and evil infidel,
To possess, disgrace and ruin.[63]
This boiled the blood of the retreating Muslims so much that they returned to the battlefield.[65]
Phase 3: After managing to stabilize the position on
the right flank, Khalid ordered the mobile guard cavalry to provide
relief to the battered left flank. Khalid detached one regiment under
Dharar ibn al-Azwar and ordered him to attack the front of the army of
Dairjan (left center) in order to create a diversion and threaten the
withdrawal of the Byzantine right wing from its advanced position. With
the rest of the cavalry reserve he attacked Gregory's flank. Here again,
under simultaneous attacks from the front and flanks, the Byzantines
fell back, but more slowly because they had to maintain their formation.[66]
At sunset the central armies broke contact and withdrew to their
original positions and both fronts were restored along the lines
occupied in the morning. The death of Dairjan and the failure of Vahan's
battle plan left the larger Imperial army relatively demoralized,
whereas Khalid's successful counterattacks emboldened his troops despite
their being smaller in number.[67]
Day 3
On 17 August 636, Vahan pondered over his failures and mistakes of
the previous day, where he launched attacks against respective Muslim
flanks, but after initial success, his men were pushed back. What
bothered him the most was the loss of one of his commanders. The
imperial Byzantine army decided on a less ambitious plan, Vahan now
aimed to break the Muslim army at specific points. He decided to press
upon the relatively exposed right flank, where his mounted troops could
maneuver more freely as compared to the rugged terrain at the Muslims'
left flank. And it was decided to charge at the junction between the
Muslim right center and its right wing held by Qanateer's Slavs, to
break the two apart and to fight them separately.
Phase 1: The battle resumed with Byzantine attacks on the Muslim right flank and right center.[68]
After holding off the initial attacks by the Byzantines, the Muslim
right wing fell back, followed by the right center. They were again said
to have met by their own womenfolk who abused and shamed them. The
corps, however, managed to reorganize some distance from the camp and
held their ground preparing for a counterattack.[63]
Phase 2: Knowing that the Byzantine army was focusing
on the Muslim right, Khalid launched an attack with his mobile guard,
along with the Muslim right flank cavalry. Khalid struck at the right
flank of the Byzantines left center, and the cavalry reserve of the
Muslims right center struck at the Byzantines left center at its left
flank. Meanwhile he ordered the Muslims' right wing cavalry to strike at
the left flank of the Byzantines left wing. The combat soon developed
into a bloodbath. Many fell on both sides. Khalid's timely flanking
attacks again saved the day for Muslims and by dusk the Byzantines had
been pushed back to the positions they had at the start of the battle.[63]
Day 4
18 August 636, the fourth day, was to prove decisive.
Phase 1: Vahan decided to persist with the previous day's war plan
as he had been successful in inflicting damage on the Muslim right.
Qanateer led two armies of Slavs against the Muslim right wing and right
centre with some assistance from the Armenians and Christian Arabs led
by Jabalah. The Muslim right wing and right center again fell back.[69]
Khalid entered the fray yet again with this mobile guard. He feared a
general attack on a broad front which would he wouldn't be able to
repulse and as a precaution ordered Abu Ubaidah and Yazid on the left
centre and the left wings respectively to attack the Byzantine armies at
the respective fronts. The attack would result in stalling the
Byzantine front and prevent a general advance of the Imperial army.[70]
Phase 2: Khalid divided his mobile guard into two
divisions and attacked the flanks of the Byzantine left center, while
the infantry of the Muslim right center attacked from front. Under this
three-pronged flanking manoeuvre,
the Byzantines fell back. Meanwhile the Muslim right wing renewed its
offense with its infantry attacking from the front and the cavalry
reserve attacking the northern flank of the Byzantine left wing. As the
Byzantine left center retreated under three-pronged attacks of Khalid,
the Byzantine left wing, having been exposed at its southern flank, also
fell back.[69]
While Khalid and his mobile guard were dealing with the Armenian
front throughout the afternoon, the situation on the other end was
worsening.[71]
Byzantine horse-archers had taken to the field and subjected Abu
Ubaidah and Yazid's troops to intense archery preventing them from
penetrating their Byzantine lines. Many Muslim soldiers lost their sight
to Byzantine arrows on that day, which thereafter became known as the
"Day of Lost Eyes".[72] The veteran Abu Sufyan is also believed to have lost an eye that day.[72]
The Muslim armies fell back except for one regiment led by Ikrimah bin
Abi Jahal, which was on the left of Abu Ubaidah's corps. Ikrimah covered
the retreat of the Muslims with his four hundred cavalry by attacking
the Byzantine front, while the other armies reorganized themselves to
counterattack and regain their lost positions. All of Ikrimah's men were
either seriously injured or dead that day. Ikrimah, a childhood friend
of Khalid's was mortally wounded and died later in the evening.[71]
Day 5
During the four day offense of Vahan, his troops had failed to
achieve any breakthrough and had suffered heavy casualties, especially
during the mobile guard's flanking counterattacks. Early on 19 August
636, the fifth day of the battle, Vahan sent an emissary to the Muslim
camp for a truce for the next few days so that fresh negotiations could
be held. He supposedly wanted time to reorganize his demoralized troops.
But Khalid deemed victory to be in reach and he declined the offer.[73]
Up till now, the Muslim army had adopted a largely defensive strategy,
but knowing that the Byzantines were apparently no longer eager for
battle, Khalid now decided to take the offensive and reorganized his
troops accordingly. All the cavalry regiments were grouped together into
one powerful mounted force with the mobile guard acting as its core.
The total strength of this cavalry group was now about 8,000 mounted
warriors, an effective mounted corps for an offensive attack the next
day. The rest of the day passed uneventfully. Khalid planned to trap
Byzantine troops, cutting off their every route of escape. There were
three natural barriers, the three gorges in the battlefield with their
steep ravines, Wadi-ur-Raqqad at west, Wadi al Yarmouk in south and Wadi al Allah in east. The northern route was to be blocked by Muslim cavalry.[74]
There were however, some passages across the 200 metres (660 ft) deep
ravines of Wadi-ur-Raqqad in west, strategically the most important one
was at Ayn al Dhakar, a bridge. Khalid sent Dharar with 500 cavalry at
night to secure that bridge. Dharar moved around the northern flank of
Byzantines and captured the bridge. This maneuver was to prove decisive
the next day.[75]
Day 6
On 20 August 636, the final day of the battle,[76]
Khalid put into action a simple but bold plan of attack. With his
massed cavalry force he intended to drive the Byzantine cavalry entirely
off the battlefield so that the infantry, which formed the bulk of the
imperial army, would be left without cavalry support and thus would be
exposed when attacked from the flanks and rear. At the same time he
planned to push a determined attack to turn the left flank of the
Byzantine army and drive them towards the ravine to the west.[75]
Phase 1: Khalid ordered a general attack on the
Byzantine front and galloped his cavalry around the left wing of the
Byzantines. Part of his cavalry engaged the Byzantine left wing cavalry
while the rest of it attacked the rear of the Byzantine left wing
infantry. Meanwhile the Muslim right wing pressed against it from the
front. Under this two-pronged attack, the Byzantine left wing fell back
and collapsed and fell back to the Byzantine left center, greatly
disordering it.[73]
The remaining Muslim cavalry then attacked the Byzantine left wing
cavalry at the rear while they were held frontally by the other half of
the Muslim cavalry, routing them off the battlefield to the north. The
Muslim right wing infantry now attacked the Byzantine left center at its
left flank while the Muslim right center attacked from front.
Phase 2: Vahan, noticing the huge cavalry maneuver of
the Muslims, ordered his cavalry to group together, but was not quick
enough; before Vahan could organize his disparate heavy cavalry
squadrons, Khalid had wheeled his cavalry back to attack the
concentrating Byzantine cavalry squadrons, falling upon them from the
front and the flank while they were still moving into formation. The
disorganized and disoriented Byzantine heavy cavalry was soon routed and dispersed to the north, leaving the infantry to its fate.[77]
Phase 3: With the Byzantine cavalry completely routed,
Khalid turned to the Byzantine left center which already held the
two-pronged attack of the Muslim infantry. The Byzantine left center was
attacked at its rear by Khalid's cavalry and was finally broken.[77]
The last phase: With the retreat of the Byzantine left
center, a general Byzantine retreat started. Khalid took his cavalry
north to block the northern route of escape. The Byzantines retreated
west towards Wadi-ur-Raqqad where there was a bridge at Ayn al Dhakar for safe crossing across the deep gorges of the ravines of Wadi-ur-Raqqad.[71]
Dharar had already captured the bridge as part of Khalid's plan the
night before. A unit of 500 mounted troops had been sent to block this
passageway. In fact, this was the route by which Khalid wanted the
Byzantines to retreat all along. The Byzantines were surrounded from all
sides now.[73]k[›]
Some fell into the deep ravines off the steep slopes, others tried to
escape in the waters, only to be smashed on the rocks below and again
others were killed in their flight. Nevertheless a large number of the
soldiers managed to escape the slaughter.[78] Jonah, the Greek informant of the Rashidun army
during the Conquest of Damascus died in this battle. The Muslims took
no prisoners in this battle, although they may have captured some during
the subsequent pursuit.[79] Theodore Trithurios died on the battlefield, while Niketas managed to escape and reach Emesa.
Jabalah ibn al-Ayham also managed to escape and later, for a short
time, came to terms with the Muslims, but soon defected to the Byzantine
court again.[80]
Aftermath
Immediately after this operation was over, Khalid and his mobile
guard moved north to pursue the retreating Byzantine soldiers; he found
them near Damascus
and attacked. In the ensuing fight the commander-in-chief of the
imperial army, the Armenian prince Vahan who had escaped the fate of
most of his men at Yarmouk, was killed.[81] Khalid then entered Damascus where he was said to have been welcomed by the local residents, thus recapturing the city.[31][82]
When news of the disaster reached the Byzantine Emperor Heraclius at Antioch,[83]
he was devastated and enraged. He blamed his wrongdoings for the loss,
primarily referring to his incestuous marriage to his niece Martina.[84] He would have tried to reconquer the province if he had the resources,[83]
but now he had neither the men nor the money to defend the province any
more. Rather he retreated to the cathedral of Antioch where he observed
a solemn service of intercession.[83]
He summoned a meeting of his advisers at the cathedral and scrutinized
the situation. He was told almost unanimously and accepted the fact that
the defeat was God's decision and a result of the sins of the people of
the land, including him.[85]
Heraclius took to the sea on a ship to Constantinople in the night. It
is said that as his ship was set sail, he bade a last farewell to Syria,
saying:
Farewell, a long farewell to Syria,l[›][83]
my fair province. Thou art an infidel's (enemy's) now. Peace be with
you, O Syria – what a beautiful land you will be for the enemy.[85]
Haraclius abandoned Syria with the holy relic of the True Cross which was, along with other relics held at Jerusalem, secretly boarded on ship by Parthia of Jerusalem,[83] just to protect it from the invading Arabs. It is said that the emperor had a fear of water.[86] and a pontoon bridge was made for Heraclius to cross the Bosphorus to Constantinople. After abandoning Syria, the Emperor began to concentrate on his remaining forces for the defence of Anatolia and Egypt instead. Byzantine Armenia
fell to the Muslims in 638–39 after which Heraclius created a buffer
zone in central Anatolia by ordering all the forts east of Tarsus to be evacuated.[87] In 639–642 Muslims invaded and captured Byzantine Egypt, led by Amr ibn al-A'as – who had commanded the right flank of the Rashidun army at Yarmouk.[88]
Evaluation
The Battle of Yarmouk can be seen as an example in military history where an inferior force manages to overcome a superior force by superior generalship.
The Imperial Byzantine commanders allowed their enemy to have the
battlefield of his choosing. Even then they were at no substantial
tactical disadvantage.[47]
Khalid knew all along that he was up against a force superior in
numbers and, until the last day of the battle, he conducted an
essentially defensive campaign suited to his relatively limited
resources. When he decided to take the offensive and attack on the final
day of battle, he did so with a degree of imagination, foresight and
courage that none of the Byzantine commanders managed to display.
Although he commanded a numerically inferior force and needed all the
men he could muster, he nevertheless had the confidence and foresight to
dispatch a cavalry regiment the night before his assault to seal off a
critical path of the retreat he anticipated for the enemy army.[75]
Khalid ibn al-Walid was one of the finest cavalry commanders in history[7]
and his use of mounted warriors throughout the battle showed just how
well he understood the potential strengths and weaknesses of his mounted
troops. His mobile guard
moved quickly from one point to another, always changing the course of
events wherever they appeared, and then just as quickly galloping away
to change the course of events elsewhere on the field.[89]
Vahan and his Byzantine commanders did not manage to deal with this
mounted force and use the sizable advantage of their army effectively.[90]
Their own Byzantine cavalry never played a significant role in the
battle and were held in static reserve for most of the six days.[58]
They never pushed their attacks and even when they obtained what could
have been a decisive breakthrough on the fourth day, they were unable to
exploit it. There appeared to be a decided lack of resolve among the
Imperial commanders, though this may have been caused by difficulties
commanding the army because of internal conflict. Moreover, many of the
Arab auxiliaries were mere levies, while the Muslim Arab army consisted
for a much larger part of veteran troops.[91]
The original strategy of Heraclius, to destroy the Muslim troops in
Syria, needed a rapid and quick deployment, but the commanders on the
ground never displayed these qualities. Ironically, on the field at
Yarmouk, Khalid carried out on a small tactical scale what Heraclius had
planned on a grand strategic scale: by rapidly deploying and
manoeuvering his forces, Khalid was able to temporarily concentrate
sufficient forces at specific locations on the field to defeat the
larger Byzantine army in detail. Vahan was never able to make his
numerical superiority count, perhaps because of the unfavorable terrain
that prevented large-scale deployment. However, at no point did Vahan
attempt to concentrate a superior force to achieve a critical
breakthrough.[92]
Although he was on the offensive 5 days out of the six, his battle line
remained remarkably static. This all stands in stark contrast to the
very successful offensive plan that Khalid carried out on the final day,
when he reorganised virtually all his cavalry and committed them to a
grand manoeuvre that won the battle.[89] George F. Nafziger, in his book Islam at war, describes the battle as:
“ | Although Yarmouk is little known today, it is one of the most decisive battles in human history...... Had Heraclius' forces prevailed, the modern world would be so changed as to be unrecognizable.[5] | ” |
References
- ^ Kennedy 2006, p. 45
- ^ Nicolle 1994, pp. 64–65
- ^ a b Akram 2004, p. 425
- ^ Britannica (2007): "More than 50,000 byzantine soldiers died"
- ^ a b Walton 2003, p. 30
- ^ Nicolle 1994, p. 6
- ^ a b Nicolle 1994, p. 19
- ^ Haldon 1997, p. 41
- ^ Greatrex–Lieu 2002, pp. 189–190
- ^ Greatrex–Lieu 2002, p. 196
- ^ Greatrex–Lieu 2002, pp. 217–227
- ^ Haldon 1997, p. 46
- ^ Nicolle 1994, pp. 12–14
- ^ Luttwak 2009, p. 199
- ^ Nicolle 1994, p. 87
- ^ Akram 2004, p. 246
- ^ Runciman 1987, p. 15
- ^ Akram 2004, p. 298
- ^ Nicolle 1994, p. 60
- ^ Kaegi 1995, p. 112
- ^ Akram 2009, p. 133
- ^ Akram 2004, p. 402
- ^ Al-Waqidi 8th century, p. 100
- ^ (Armenian) Bartikyan, Hrach. «Վահան» (Vahan). Armenian Soviet Encyclopedia. vol. xi. Yerevan: Armenian Academy of Sciences, 1985, p. 243.
- ^ Kennedy 2007, p. 82
- ^ a b Akram 2004, p. 409
- ^ Al-Waqidi 8th century, p. 106
- ^ Nicolle 1994, p. 16
- ^ Akram 2004, p. 399
- ^ a b Nicolle 1994, p. 61
- ^ a b Kaegi 1995, p. 67
- ^ Akram 2004, p. 401
- ^ al-Baladhuri 9th century, p. 143
- ^ a b Kaegi 1995, p. 134
- ^ Akram 2004, p. 407
- ^ Akram 2004, p. 406
- ^ Kaegi 1995, p. 122
- ^ Nicolle 1994, p. 63
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 242
- ^ a b c Nicolle 1994, p. 66
- ^ Nicolle 1994, p. 34
- ^ Walton 2003, p. 29
- ^ a b Akram 2004, p. 411
- ^ Akram 2004, p. 413
- ^ Nicolle 1994, p. 39
- ^ Nicolle 1994, p. 36
- ^ a b Kaegi 1995, p. 124
- ^ a b c d Nicolle 1994, p. 64
- ^ Nicolle 1994, p. 65
- ^ Nicolle 1994, p. 29
- ^ Nicolle 1994, p. 30
- ^ Kaegi 1995, p. 39
- ^ Kaegi 1995, pp. 132–133
- ^ Kaegi 1995, p. 121
- ^ Kaegi 1995, p. 130
- ^ Akram 2009, p. 132
- ^ a b c Nicolle 1994, p. 70
- ^ a b Kaegi 1995, p. 129
- ^ Nicolle 1994, p. 92
- ^ a b c Nicolle 1994, p. 68
- ^ Akram 2004, p. 415
- ^ Akram 2004, p. 417
- ^ a b c d e Nicolle 1994, p. 71
- ^ Akram 2004, p. 418
- ^ Regan 2003, p. 164
- ^ Akram 2004, pp. 418–19
- ^ Akram 2004, p. 419
- ^ Akram 2004, p. 420
- ^ a b Nicolle 1994, p. 72
- ^ Akram 2004, p. 421
- ^ a b c Nicolle 1994, p. 75
- ^ a b Al-Waqidi 8th century, p. 148
- ^ a b c Nicolle 1994, p. 76
- ^ Akram 2004, p. 422
- ^ a b c Akram 2004, p. 423
- ^ Kaegi 1995, p. 114
- ^ a b Akram 2004, p. 424
- ^ Kaegi 1995, p. 138
- ^ Kaegi 1995, p. 128
- ^ Nicolle 1994, p. 80
- ^ Kaegi 1995, p. 273
- ^ Akram 2004, p. 426
- ^ a b c d e Runciman 1987, p. 17
- ^ Runciman 1987, p. 96
- ^ a b Regan 2003, p. 167
- ^ Regan 2003, p. 169
- ^ Kaegi 1995, pp. 148–49
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 327
- ^ a b Nicolle 1994, pp. 87–89
- ^ Kaegi 1995, p. 137
- ^ Akram 2004, p. 408
- ^ Kaegi 1995, p. 143
Notes
^ a: Modern estimates for Roman army:
Donner (1981): 100,000. Britannica (2007): "More than 50,000 byzantine soldiers died".
Nicolle (1994): 100,000.
Akram (1970): 150,000.
Kaegi (1995): 15,000–20,000
Mango, Cyril (2002). The Oxford History of Byzantium: 80,000. ^ b: Roman source for Roman army: Theophanes (p. 337–338): 80,000 Roman troops (Kennedy, 2006, p. 145) and 60,000 allied Ghassanid troops (Gibbon, Vol. 5, p. 325). ^ c: Early Muslim sources for Roman army: Baladhuri (p. 140): 200,000. Tabari (Vol. 2, p. 598): 200,000. Ibn Ishaq (Tabari, Vol. 3, p. 75): 100,000 against 24,000 Muslims. ^ d: Modern estimates for Muslim army:
Kaegi (1995): 15,000-20,000 maximum.
Nicolle (1994): 25,000 maximum.
Akram: 40,000 maximum.
Treadgold (1997): 24,000
Donner (1981): 100,000. Britannica (2007): "More than 50,000 byzantine soldiers died".
Nicolle (1994): 100,000.
Akram (1970): 150,000.
Kaegi (1995): 15,000–20,000
Mango, Cyril (2002). The Oxford History of Byzantium: 80,000. ^ b: Roman source for Roman army: Theophanes (p. 337–338): 80,000 Roman troops (Kennedy, 2006, p. 145) and 60,000 allied Ghassanid troops (Gibbon, Vol. 5, p. 325). ^ c: Early Muslim sources for Roman army: Baladhuri (p. 140): 200,000. Tabari (Vol. 2, p. 598): 200,000. Ibn Ishaq (Tabari, Vol. 3, p. 75): 100,000 against 24,000 Muslims. ^ d: Modern estimates for Muslim army:
Kaegi (1995): 15,000-20,000 maximum.
Nicolle (1994): 25,000 maximum.
Akram: 40,000 maximum.
Treadgold (1997): 24,000
^ e: Primary sources for Muslim army:
Ibn Ishaq (Vol. 3, p. 74): 24,000.
Baladhuri: 24,000.
Tabari (Vol. 2, p. 592): 40,000.
^ f: Primary sources for Roman casualties:
Tabari (Vol. 2, p. 596): 120,000 killed.
Ibn Ishaq (Vol. 3, p. 75): 70,000 killed.
Baladhuri (p. 141): 70,000 killed.
^ g: His name is mentioned in Islamic sources as Jaban, Vahan Benaas and Mahan. Vahan is most likely to be his name as it is of Armenian origin
^ i: During the reign of Abu Bakr, Khalid ibn Walid remained the Commander-in-Chief of the army in Syria but at Umar's accession as Caliph he dismissed him from command. Abu Ubaidah ibn al-Jarrah became the new commander in chief. (See Dismissal of Khalid).
^ j: Some Byzantine sources also mention a fortified encampment at Yaqusah, 18 kilometres (11 mi) from the battlefield. E.g., A. I. Akram suggests that the Byzantine camps were north of Waddi-ur-Riqqad, while David Nicolle agrees with early Armenian sources which positioned camps at Yaqusah (See: Nicolle p. 61 and Akram 2004 p. 410).
^ k: Akram misinterprets the bridge at 'Ayn Dhakar for a ford while Nicolle explains the exact geography (See: Nicolle p. 64 and Akram p. 410)
^ m: David Nicolle suggests at least four to one. (See Nicolle p. 64)
^ n: Concepts used in the description of the battle lines of the Muslims and the Byzantines. See image-1.
Ibn Ishaq (Vol. 3, p. 74): 24,000.
Baladhuri: 24,000.
Tabari (Vol. 2, p. 592): 40,000.
^ f: Primary sources for Roman casualties:
Tabari (Vol. 2, p. 596): 120,000 killed.
Ibn Ishaq (Vol. 3, p. 75): 70,000 killed.
Baladhuri (p. 141): 70,000 killed.
^ g: His name is mentioned in Islamic sources as Jaban, Vahan Benaas and Mahan. Vahan is most likely to be his name as it is of Armenian origin
^ i: During the reign of Abu Bakr, Khalid ibn Walid remained the Commander-in-Chief of the army in Syria but at Umar's accession as Caliph he dismissed him from command. Abu Ubaidah ibn al-Jarrah became the new commander in chief. (See Dismissal of Khalid).
^ j: Some Byzantine sources also mention a fortified encampment at Yaqusah, 18 kilometres (11 mi) from the battlefield. E.g., A. I. Akram suggests that the Byzantine camps were north of Waddi-ur-Riqqad, while David Nicolle agrees with early Armenian sources which positioned camps at Yaqusah (See: Nicolle p. 61 and Akram 2004 p. 410).
^ k: Akram misinterprets the bridge at 'Ayn Dhakar for a ford while Nicolle explains the exact geography (See: Nicolle p. 64 and Akram p. 410)
^ m: David Nicolle suggests at least four to one. (See Nicolle p. 64)
^ n: Concepts used in the description of the battle lines of the Muslims and the Byzantines. See image-1.
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